Tunde Chris Odediran
The 2024 U.S. presidential election will undoubtedly be remembered as a moment when fear eclipsed hope, reshaping the political trajectory of a deeply divided nation.
The reelection of Donald Trump, securing both the popular and electoral votes, marked not only a political comeback but also a seismic shift in the cultural and ideological underpinnings of American democracy.
The pendulum of American democracy has always swung between hope and fear, between progress and retrenchment.
Nathan Heller’s post-election analysis in The New Yorker magazine cuts to a fundamental challenge in American democracy: the gap between information and understanding. “In a country where more than half of adults have literacy below a sixth-grade level,” he writes, “ambient information, however thin and wrong, is more powerful than actual facts.”
Trump’s victory underscores how misinformation, amplified by social media and partisan outlets, fueled a populist resurgence that carried him back to the White House.
It wasn’t just about economics or policy but about identity, belonging, and the enduring appeal of fear as a political motivator.
The election results mirror not just the political divide of 2016-2020, but reach back to deeper historical patterns.
From the Populist Movement of the 1890s to the America First Committee of the 1940s, from the Wallace campaigns to the Tea Party Movement, American politics has repeatedly witnessed the emergence of populist movements during times of economic and social upheaval.
The 2008 election of Barack Obama symbolized a moment of profound hope—a nation that once institutionalised slavery had elected its first Black president.
Obama’s campaign of “hope and change” resonated globally, inspiring millions to believe in the possibility of a more inclusive and united America.
Yet, this hope was met with fierce resistance.
The emergence of the Tea Party, a reactionary movement within the Republican Party, sought to dismantle Obama’s progressive agenda.
Its rhetoric, often steeped in racial and cultural grievance, laid the groundwork for the populist conservatism that would later define Trumpism.
Obama’s presidency, while transformative, also exposed the deep fractures within American society.
For every policy success, there was a growing backlash among those who felt alienated by globalization and demographic shifts.
This polarization set the stage for Trump’s rise in 2016, as he tapped into the grievances of a white, working-class electorate who saw him as their champion against the “credentialed elites.”
The Tea Party’s transformation from a conservative movement into a populist force previewed today’s political realignment.
The Democratic Party’s association with educated elites and upwardly mobile immigrants created a perception gap with blue-collar voters in the rural communities and declining cities, such that even Hispanic and Black males could find a reason to vote for Trump
What began as a response to Obama’s presidency evolved into something more fundamental: a rebellion against both Democratic progressivism and Republican establishment politics.
It created fertile ground for Trump’s brand of populism, which successfully merged economic grievances with cultural anxieties.
The American political experience reflects a broader global pattern.
From Latin America to Europe, from Asia to Africa, democratic nations have grappled with populist movements that challenge institutional norms.
The difference lies in America’s robust constitutional framework and its historical resilience to authoritarianism.
The 2024 election was closely watched worldwide, as America’s democratic institutions faced a renewed stress test.
For allies, Trump’s return signals uncertainty, given his “Make America Great Again” approach, which often undermines multilateral alliances.
For adversaries, it presents opportunities to exploit divisions and weaken America’s global leadership.
The election also holds lessons for democracies everywhere.
It highlights how economic dislocation, cultural anxiety, and the erosion of trust in institutions can fuel authoritarian populism.
The global rise of strongman leaders, from Hungary’s Viktor Orbán to Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro, mirrors the dynamics at play in America.
Fear, it seems, is a universal currency in the politics of division.
In retrospective, the reasons for the Democratic Party’s loss in 2024 are manifold.
Vice President Kamala Harris, tasked with following in Joe Biden’s footsteps, struggled to connect with the working-class voters who had once propelled the Obama-Biden ticket to victory.
Rising economic inequality, inflation, and the perception that Democrats catered more to elites than to everyday Americans widened the gap.
While coastal metros and tech hubs prospered, many working-class communities faced stagnation.
The Democratic Party’s association with educated elites and upwardly mobile immigrants created a perception gap with blue-collar voters in the rural communities and declining cities, such that even Hispanic and Black males could find a reason to vote for Trump.
To make matters worse, social media and partisan news networks created parallel realities, where facts became secondary to narrative.
Meanwhile, Trump saw an opening, capitalizing on cultural divides and economic discontent.
His messaging, though often factually tenuous, resonated with those who felt left behind.
The alignment of figures like billionaire Elon Musk with Trump’s campaign further blurred the lines between populism and plutocracy, convincing many struggling Americans that the GOP represented their interests.
Trump can use presidential power to do enormous damage to the economy, culture and international relations.
And he will.
Despite Trump’s return, the resilience of American institutions must remain a beacon of hope.
During his first term, the judiciary, a free press, and civil society played critical roles in checking executive overreach.
The same institutions are poised to withstand the pressures of his second term.
Early signs suggest that Trump’s grip on his party and government may not be absolute.
The failure of his nominee for Attorney General, Matt Gaetz, to secure approval underscores the limits of his influence, even within Republican ranks.
This rejection reflects a legislative branch unwilling to fully capitulate to authoritarian tendencies.
Moreover, the midterm elections in 2026 could serve as a corrective force, as they often do in American politics.
Historically, presidents face significant losses in midterms, potentially curbing Trump’s power and rendering him a lame duck for his final two years.
While the 2024 election dealt a blow to those who believed in the possibility of a more unified and progressive America, history teaches us that fear-driven victories are often fleeting
The distribution of power between federal and state governments creates multiple centers of authority and the experience in Trump’s fist term in office demonstrate that the courts express their autonomy, even in politically charged cases.
Trump plans to decimate the professional bureaucracy, which he calls the deep state, but this class of workers maintain governmental stability despite political turbulence and have the tools to last longer than dictatorship.
Besides, the American media is one of the strongest in any nation.
They continue their essential role in democratic accountability and the Fourth Estate of the Realm.
It will be an ugly fight but journalist know they have a duty to resist and expose.
The non-governmental organizations, advocacy groups, and civic associations also provide crucial democratic infrastructure in America and they will not be bullied so easily by Trump.
While the 2024 election dealt a blow to those who believed in the possibility of a more unified and progressive America, history teaches us that fear-driven victories are often fleeting.
Hope, as fragile as it may seem, persists.
The challenge for Democrats and progressives is to reconnect with the disillusioned, to bridge the divides of race, class, and culture, and to offer a compelling vision of the future that goes beyond opposition to Trump.
It will take time to rebuild and realign but elections have consequences and require a waiting period to set things right.
Historical perspective teaches us that American democracy has faced and survived greater challenges. From the Civil War to the Great Depression, from McCarthyism to Watergate, the nation’s institutions have demonstrated remarkable resilience.
The key lies not in fear or despair, but in renewed commitment to democratic principles. As Obama’s 2008 campaign demonstrated, hope can be a powerful catalyst for change.
The next two years will test American institutions, but they need not define America’s future.
The midterm elections of 2026 offer another opportunity for democratic course correction, as they have throughout American history.
In the words often attributed to Martin Luther King Jr., “The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.” This moment in American democracy, however challenging, is part of that longer arc.
Democracy’s strength lies not in avoiding challenges, but in rising to meet them.
This is one of those moments for America.
As the world watches, America must prove once again that its democracy, though imperfect, is resilient.
For now, fear may have won, but hope is not extinguished.
